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NORD Yacht, IMO 9853785

Where is the current position of nord presently vessel nord is a yacht ship sailing under the flag of russian federation . her imo number is 9853785 and mmsi number is 273610820. main ship particulars are length of 141 m and beam of 20 m. maps show the following voyage data - present location, next port, estimated (eta) and predicted time of arrival (pta), speed, course, draught, photos, videos, local time, utc time..

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A Russian Oligarch’s $500 Million Megayacht Just Mysteriously Arrived in Hong Kong

The lürssen vessel nord is connected to the third-richest man in russia., tori latham, tori latham's most recent stories.

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Ever since Russia invaded Ukraine earlier this year, authorities have been keeping an eye on the megayachts owned by Russian oligarchs and allies of Vladimir Putin. One such vessel just mysteriously turned up in Hong Kong.

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The 465-foot Lürssen vessel in question, which contains two helipads, a cinema and 20 luxury cabins, left Vladivostok on September 27 and was initially headed for the Vietnamese port of Da Nang. However, it soon changed its route to Hong Kong and has been anchored there since Wednesday night, according to Bloomberg. It has also changed its flag from the Cayman Islands to Russia. A spokesperson for Mordashov told the publication that he was currently in Moscow and declined to comment on the yacht’s movement.

Since Putin began his war in Ukraine in February, more than a dozen yachts owned by Russian oligarchs have been seized by Western governments as a form of punishment for the owners having ties to the Russian president. In total, the seized yachts add up to more than $2.25 billion, and others have been immobilized in ports and naval yards across Europe.

The US has even formed a special task force, KleptoCapture, to go after Russian billionaires’ assets. Earlier this year, the unit helped seize Amadea , a $325 million superyacht supposedly owned by the gold tycoon Suleiman Kerimov.

To evade capture, some yacht owners have moved their vessels to the sanction-free waters of Russia and Turkey. But now that Mordashov’s Nord has turned up in Hong Kong, it’s unclear what will happen to it. One thing’s for certain, though: Despite its considerable size, the 465-footer is proving to be quite elusive.

Tori Latham is a digital staff writer at Robb Report. She was previously a copy editor at The Atlantic, and has written for publications including The Cut and The Hollywood Reporter. When not…

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Russia’s richest man, Alexei Mordashov, has secretly moved his gigantic 465-foot megayacht, Nord, to Abu Dhabi. Will this $500 million ‘Houdini of the high seas’ now make the UAE its new home?

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How to choose your yacht's flag state

If you consider buying a superyacht for international cruises and chartering in the Caribbean and the Med, your lawyer or broker will tell you to register and flag the yacht offshore.

The flag you choose to fly from your transom can have a direct bearing on your privacy, taxes, exposure to liability and boarding, the vessel’s success as a commercial enterprise, and, ultimately, your enjoyment of the yacht. So how do you decide which flag best serves your purposes? There is no simple answer that covers every owner, but some basic considerations do apply.

‘The choice of flag state has, over the last few years, become one of the most important decisions owners and/or their representatives must make,’ says Mike Dean of Isle of Man-based Döhle Yachts.

A flag state is the country or governmental entity under whose laws a vessel is registered or licensed. This can be the country in which the owner resides, or more commonly in the superyacht world, an offshore ship registry in a country with laws that are attuned to the complexities of yacht ownership and charter operations.

The flag state has the authority and responsibility to enforce regulations over vessels registered under its flag, including those relating to inspection, certification and issuance of safety and pollution prevention documents.

Offshore flagging advantages

Owners who choose to flag offshore – especially those who plan to make their yachts available for charter in the EU – can benefit in many ways, including, but not limited to, mitigation of some tax burdens, confidentiality of ownership, and reassuring lenders and insurance companies. An owner who intends to operate his vessel as a private yacht and not charter might register the vessel in his home country.

However, many popular flag states have appealing and relatively simple avenues for setting up offshore corporate structures that offer favourable taxation and liability protections under a stable fiscal and legal system. In addition they have construction, inspection and regulatory compliance regimes that can streamline the process of owning and operating a large yacht.

The choice of flag state has, over the last few years, become one of the most important decisions owners and/or their representatives must make

Mike Dean, Döhle Yachts

Registering as a private yacht with a non-EU flag also allows an owner to operate under the Temporary Importation regime in Europe in which a yacht can operate for up to 18 months without the vessel being subject to customs duties or the EU’s Value Added Tax (VAT).

Owners who intend to actively pursue charter in the world’s most popular destinations – in particular, the Med, which is ringed by EU states – and the Caribbean, will generally choose to incorporate, flag offshore and register as a commercially operated vessel.

In addition to the benefits above, such structures can allow the vessel to operate within the VAT system. VAT on charters is still chargeable to the end consumer – the charterer – but the system allows operators of legitimate charter businesses to account for their input tax in the normal business sense. For instance, if a business buys food for a charter, it will pay input tax on the supply but can deduct it as an operating expense.

Good and bad flags

Registering a yacht to operate commercially subjects it to a broad range of regulations related mainly to safety.

A flag state will generally require a yacht to be in compliance with construction standards set forth by one or more of the main classification societies such as Lloyd’s Register, American Bureau of Shipping or Det Norske Veritas, as well as meeting safety and practice standards set forth by government agencies such as the UK’s Maritime and Coastguard Agency (MCA), as applied by the relevant states’ national legislation.

Choosing a particular flag is a vastly complicated matter generally settled between an owner and his attorney, but there are some basic considerations, not the least of which is the potential for the yacht to be boarded and detained by authorities. In short, there are good flags and bad flags.

‘You need to be with a flag that can provide a solid commercial registration that’s accepted in the shipping industry and accepted by the governments of the world,’ says Ken Argent of Water’s Edge Consulting Ltd.

You need to be with a flag that can provide a solid commercial registration that’s accepted in the shipping industry and accepted by the governments of the world

Ken Argent, Water’s Edge Consulting Ltd

A wise starting point would be to choose a flag on the so-called ‘White List’ as maintained by the Paris Memorandum of Understanding on Port State Control (Paris MoU).

The Paris MoU consists of 27 participating maritime administrations and covers the waters of the European coastal states and the North Atlantic basin from North America to Europe. Its mission is to eliminate the operation of sub-standard ships through a harmonised system of port state control. There are other MoU groups around the world, with similar aims.

Port officers inspect foreign ships in the Paris MoU ports, to ensure they meet international safety, security and environmental standards, and that crew have adequate living and working conditions.

Flags on the Paris White List have demonstrated strong performance in those areas and thus, are subject to fewer boardings when they enter foreign ports.

Flags on the Grey List and Black List have been deemed deficient and risk more boardings and possible detentions. Traditionally, yachts have been a low priority for Port State Control (PSC) inspections, but since the advent of the New Inspection Regime in Paris, this is no longer the case and so it is important to choose a flag with a good PSC record and a rigorous approach to safety and certification.

A wise starting point would be to choose a flag on the so-called “White List”

‘There are rogue states that remain outside the family of civilised nations, and yachts that fly those flags are not welcomed,’ says maritime attorney Michael T. Moore. ‘Generally speaking, most civilised countries have subscribed to a web of treaties designed to protect the world’s oceans from pollution, overfishing and various other unacceptable practices. Almost all seafaring nations are on the alert for out-of-pattern flags.’

Other considerations extend beyond the prospect of being boarded. ‘Lenders and insurance companies will review a flag state’s enforcement of international environment and safety and procedures and standards, compliance with international regulations and casualty record,’ says Dean. ‘A poor record will inevitably affect the decisions of the lenders and underwriters.’

The Red Ensign Group

The brokerage and management firm Edmiston Company estimates as many as 80 per cent of large yachts are flagged in the British overseas territories commonly known as the ‘Red Ensign Group’, in particular, the Cayman Islands, Gibraltar and the Isle of Man.

Factors influencing that, says Edmiston, include prestige, tradition and history; international recognition of high standards and adherence to the Large Yacht Commercial Code; ready availability of a large number of qualified surveyors; protection of British maritime law, consular services and navy; and commercial confidentiality (the owning companies can be registered in the flag state, rather than the person who owns the yacht).

As many as 80 per cent of large yachts are flagged in the British overseas territories commonly known as the Red Ensign Group

‘The Red Ensign Group uses the UK MCA’s Large Yacht Code (LYC) as the criteria for building and equipping commercial yachts,’ says Clive Harrison of Döhle Yachts. ‘The LYC has been submitted (and accepted) to the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) as the UK’s equivalent provisions under the equivalence arrangements of several international conventions (Load Lines, SOLAS and STCW).

‘Yachts built and operated under the LYC do so under internally recognised standards,’ says Harrison, ‘whilst other jurisdictions operate their own codes, these have not been presented or accepted to the IMO. Compliance with LYC can have a positive impact on resale values.’

The Red Ensign registry with the largest number of yachts is the Cayman Islands Shipping Registry. According to Peter Southgate, Advisor, Maritime Policy and Legislation Development and Shipping Master of the Cayman Registry, service is one key to the flag’s popularity.

‘The various members of the Red Ensign Group offer a very high quality flag option for any owner, and we ensure that as a group, we do not compete on quality,’ Southgate says. ‘This leaves essentially only service and the possible effects of local restrictions. For example, the UK is an EU flag and hence, temporary importation would not be available to a UK-flagged vessel.’

Flags of different colours

Most flag registries, while either an agency of a government or acting on behalf of the government, are to some extent, in competition with each other for business and offer various angles that may benefit the needs of some owners.

The Marshall Islands allows qualified private yachts to charter up to 84 days a year, but subjects them to detailed surveys heavy on lifesaving, safety and fire fighting. They also have to have a minimum safe manning certificate for when they’re chartering.

‘We look at that as an owner trying to recoup some of his expenses – not putting his yacht into a commercial mode,’ says Eugene Sweeney, senior vice president, Yacht Operations for International Registries, Inc., which provides administrative and technical support to the Marshall Islands Maritime and Corporate Administrators.

The US flag has long been problematic for ship and yacht owners due in large part to onerous regulations and manning requirements. ‘The US flag has a very unwelcoming regime of laws and regulations that make it extremely difficult for a ship of any size to be registered,’ says Moore. Matt Ruane, director of JTC Marine and Aviation, cites some specific reasons a US flag may not appeal to owners of large yachts.

If you are tempted to use the flag of a state because you like the AK-47 image on it, resist.

Maritime attorney Michael T. Moore

‘US residents often wish to purchase yachts outside the US and register on to a non-US flag in order to avoid US sales and/or use tax,’ Ruane writes. ‘US Coast Guard legislation fails to differentiate between merchant vessels and commercial yachts, meaning most large yachts would fail to meet their “Seagoing Motor Vessel” requirements, which, in essence, apply SOLAS requirements to all vessels in excess of 300GT.

‘A US-resident master and crew are required for all large yachts, unless operating privately and outside of US waters. A US flag requires US corporate or private ownership, and the concept of nominee directors and shareholders is less understood and thus, less acceptable, essentially meaning that US corporate ownership is more transparent.’

The actual cost of flagging offshore is relatively low, provided your yacht meets class requirements, which is something an owner would want to consider especially when buying a brokerage yacht. The cost of bringing a yacht up to class can be substantial.

Choosing a flag is a matter best undertaken under counsel of a maritime attorney. There are many possible avenues depending on an owner’s intended use and other considerations, but at the end of the day, most advise sticking with the tried and true.

‘If for whatever reason you are tempted to use the flag of a state because you like the AK-47 image on it,’ says Moore, ‘resist.’

Originally published: Superyacht Owners’ Guide 2012.

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Counter Narcotics Designations; Russia-related Designations and Update; Issuance of Russia-related General Licenses

The Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) has issued Russia-related General License 25B, General License 36 , General License 37 and General License 38. 

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3A-MGU; Aircraft Model AS365 Dauphin; Aircraft Manufacturer's Serial Number (MSN) 6959; Aircraft Tail Number 3A-MGU; Secondary sanctions risk: Ukraine-/Russia-Related Sanctions Regulations, 31 CFR 589.201 and/or 589.209 (aircraft) [UKRAINE-EO13661] [RUSSIA-EO14024] (Linked To: SKOCH, Andrei Vladimirovich).    P4-MGU; Aircraft Manufacture Date 18 Feb 2013; Aircraft Model A319; Aircraft Manufacturer's Serial Number (MSN) 5445; Aircraft Tail Number P4-MGU; Secondary sanctions risk: Ukraine-/Russia-Related Sanctions Regulations, 31 CFR 589.201 and/or 589.209 (aircraft) [UKRAINE-EO13661] [RUSSIA-EO14024] (Linked To: SKOCH, Andrei Vladimirovich).    T7-OKY; Aircraft Manufacture Date 2014; Aircraft Model BD700-1A10 Global 6000; Aircraft Manufacturer's Serial Number (MSN) 9576; Secondary sanctions risk: Ukraine-/Russia-Related Sanctions Regulations, 31 CFR 589.201 and/or 589.209; Registration Number T7-OKY (San Marino) (aircraft) [UKRAINE-EO13685] (Linked To: SRL SKYLINE AVIATION). 

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FLAG Yacht – Magnificent $45M Superyacht

The $45 million Feadship was delivered from the shipyard in 2000 and features interior design from Chahan Minassian and RWD.

De Voogt Naval Architects penned her naval architecture. The yacht offers an incredible experience of the superyacht lifestyle for guests with its areas for relaxation and numerous features for fun on the water.

FLAG yacht interior

Chahan Minassian from Chahan Interior Design designed the interior of the FLAG Yacht in collaboration with RWD .

Chahan Minassian is the creative director behind Ralph Lauren and many other luxury hotels and residences throughout the world.

The yacht features many tranquil interior spaces designed for relaxation and enjoying the superyacht lifestyle.

The style evokes classical designs with nautical elements throughout, giving guests the best experiences of luxury and fun on the water.

She features accommodations for 12 guests in 1 master suite on the main deck and six double cabins located on the lower deck. The yacht has crew accommodations for 16 members.

The fabulous onboard spaces include an expansive deck for relaxing under the sun with a generous pool area.

There are many social areas throughout the yacht that offer al fresco dining, a BBQ station, a pizza oven, and a bar area.

The decks are large enough for guests to enjoy sunrise or sunset yoga or use the fully equipped gym with cross trainers and weights. A jacuzzi adds to the relaxing features of the yacht for guests to enjoy.

FLAG Yacht also makes use of the expansive deck with an open-air theatre. There is plenty of excitement for guests to enjoy with the water toys and tenders on board.

These include jet skis, scuba diving equipment, towable toys, and several inflatable water toys.

FLAG Yacht features exterior design by De Voogt Naval Architects . She is a Feadship yacht that was delivered from their shipyard in 2000. The impressive yacht was refitted in 2012.

She has a white steel hull and aluminum superstructure with teak decks throughout the vessel.

Specifications

FLAG Yacht is 62.3m with a beam of 10.8m and a draft of 3.29m. The vessel has a top speed of 16 knots with a range of 3000 nautical miles.

The superyacht can cruise at a speed of 15 knots, thanks to her 2 Caterpillar engines.

The yacht has a displacement of 1078 gross tons. She features zero-speed stabilizers that make her an exceptionally comfortable experience for guests on the water by reducing the rolling motion of the vessel.

The $45 million superyacht has an annual running cost of $3 – $5 million.

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Online Sleuths Untangle the Mystery of the Nord Stream Sabotage

It’s been six months since the Nord Stream gas pipelines were ruptured by a series of explosions, leaking tons of methane into the environment and  igniting an international whodunit . Russia, the United States, the United Kingdom, and an unnamed pro-Ukrainian group have all been accused of planting explosives on the Baltic Sea pipelines in recent months. But half a year since the sabotage took place, the mystery remains unsolved.

Digital sleuths are stepping in to help provide clarity around bombshell claims about who was behind the attacks. Open source intelligence (OSINT) researchers are using public sources of data in their efforts to verify or debunk the snippets of information published about the Nord Stream explosions. They’re providing a glimpse of clarity to an incident that’s shrouded by secrecy and international politics.

Since early February, multiple media reports have claimed to provide new information about who could have attacked the Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines on September 26. However, the reports have largely been based on anonymous sources, including unnamed intelligence officials and leaks from government investigations into the attacks.

First, American investigative journalist Seymour Hersh published claims that the US was behind attacks in a  post on Substack . This was followed by reports in The New York Times and German publication  Die Zeit claiming a pro-Ukrainian group was responsible. (European leaders have  previously speculated Russia could be behind the attacks, and Russia has  blamed the United Kingdom .) No country has claimed responsibility for the blasts so far, and official investigations are ongoing.

Each of the recent reports has provided little hard evidence to show what may actually have happened, while helping to fuel speculation. Jacob Kaarsbo, a senior analyst at Think Tank Europa, who previously worked in Danish intelligence for 15 years, says the claims have been “remarkable” but also “speculative” in nature. “In my mind, they don’t really alter the picture,” Kaarsbo says, adding the attacks look highly complex and would likely be “very hard to pull off without it being a state actor or at least with state sponsorship.”

In the absence of official information, OSINT researchers have been trying to plug the gaps by examining the claims of the new reports with public data.  OSINT analysis is a powerful way to determine how an event may have unfolded. For instance, flight- and ship-tracking data can reveal movements around the world, satellite images show Earth in near real-time, while small clues in the backgrounds of photos and videos can reveal where they were taken. The techniques have  uncovered Russian assassins , spotted North Korea evading  international trading sanctions , identified  potential war criminals , and  documented pollution .

For the Nord Stream blasts, there was little OSINT available. Researchers  identified “dark ships” in the area . But underwater, there are obviously limited data sources that can be tapped into—cameras and sensors don’t monitor every inch of the pipelines. “OSINT probably won’t break this case open, but it can be used to verify or strengthen other hypotheses,” says Oliver Alexander, an analyst who focuses on OSINT and has been closely looking at the Nord Stream blasts. “I do think that it’s more of a verification tool.”

Alexander and others have been examining the claims made so far. The New York Times and  Die Zeit  both published stories on March 7 claiming a Ukrainian group was behind the sabotage. (Ukraine has  denied any involvement .)  Die Zeit published more details, claiming German investigators searched a yacht rented from a company based in Poland, knew where the yacht sailed from, and that six people were involved in the operation, including two divers. All of them used forged passports, the publication reported.

The details were enough for OSINT researchers to start tracking down which yacht could have been used. Alexander, as well as contributors to the open-source investigative outlet Bellingcat, started following the breadcrumbs, narrowing down potential vessels. A follow-up  report soon named the boat under suspicion as the Andromeda , a 15-meter-long yacht. Webcam footage from the harbor where it is  believed the Andromeda was docked shows the movement of a boat around the time reported by the publications. (The Andromeda is  reportedly too small to be required to use ship-tracking systems.)  Years-old videos   and photos of the boat have surfaced. The sleuthing adds public details to the reports.

Similarly, OSINT has been used to debunk Hersh’s story claiming the United States was behind the explosions. (Hersh has  defended his article , while US officials have said it was false.) Alexander has used, among other things,  ship-tracking data to show Norwegian ships were “accounted for” and not in a “position to have placed the explosives on the Nord Stream pipeline, as claimed by Hersh.” Another detailed article from Norwegian journalists has similarly  poured cold water on Hersh’s claims , partly using satellite data.

The sabotage was always likely to be controversial and surrounded by rumors: Russia’s full-scale invasion of  Ukraine in February 2022 has heated global tensions and put pressure on diplomats around the world. There has been a whirlwind of disinformation around the blasts, further muddying the waters. Mary Blankenship, a disinformation researcher at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, who has analyzed online conversations around the war, says the “high uncertainty and high stakes” of the incident help to fuel the spread of disinformation. 

“This is an issue that exploits existing worries, tensions, and grievances within European audiences,” Blankenship says. Initially, the earliest disinformation on Twitter about the explosions came from conspiracy theorists, Blankenship says, who shared a pre-war statement from US president Joe Biden, where he said there would be  an “end” to Nord Stream 2 if Russia invaded Ukraine . Since then, Russia and China have taken to  sharing unproven theories about the sabotage, the researcher says.

“Disinformation actors, but also official representatives of the [Russian] regime, stepped up their efforts on every news story that was published on this—however contradictory about the origins of the blast—be it a blog post by Seymour Hersh or a  New York Times article,” says Peter Stano, an EU spokesperson, adding most disinformation narratives have circled around the idea that “the US is to blame.” The EU’s disinformation monitoring project, EUvsDisinfo, has  flagged more than 150 pieces of disinformation linked to the Nord Stream explosions, including those building on Hersh’s story. “EUvsDisinfo experts also found that Moscow considers the recent materials in German-language media a hoax,” Stano says.

While OSINT is helping to provide bits of extra detail on the claims about the Nord Stream attacks, it is likely that reports debunking dubious claims reach fewer people than disinformation or claims that are hard to verify. “It does not nearly get the same level of engagement,” Blankenship says. “You can have a book’s worth of evidence for it, and they would still find a way to discount it.”

And while OSINT research can answer some questions, it has its limits and can also raise new ones. Kaarsbo, the former Danish intelligence official, and other experts have pointed out that the Andromeda is a relatively small yacht, and it may have been unable to carry the amount of explosives needed to blow the pipelines. “The Andromeda is quite likely a piece of the puzzle, but I don’t think it’s a bigger piece of the puzzle that everyone makes it out to be,” Alexander says. “I think there are a lot of the big pieces missing.” Detailed sonar imagery of the damaged pipes would help people to understand what happened underwater, Alexander adds.

Ultimately, there is still very little hard public evidence—either from governments or publicly available online—about who may have been behind the attacks. Behind closed doors, intelligence agencies likely have more data and theories on the potential culprits. However, investigators in Sweden and Denmark refused to comment on their progress, while Germany’s Office of the Federal Prosecutor confirmed it had searched a yacht and is continuing to examine for explosives. German officials have also said there could be a  chance of a “false flag” operation to smear Ukraine . And when the countries complete their investigations, there’s no guarantee they will publish their findings or evidence to back them up. The mystery continues.

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Suspicions Multiply as Nord Stream Sabotage Remains Unsolved

Intelligence leaks surrounding the sabotage of the pipelines have provided more questions than answers. It may be in no one’s interest to reveal more.

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By Erika Solomon

Erika Solomon traveled to Copenhagen and the island of Christianso in Denmark, as well as to the ports of Rostock and Wiek in northern Germany, to report and write this article.

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Russian and Danish naval vessels that disappear in the Baltic Sea, days before an underwater pipeline blast. A German charter yacht with traces of explosives, and a crew with forged passports. Blurry photographs of a mysterious object found near a single surviving pipeline strand.

These are the latest clues in the hunt to reveal who, last Sept. 26, blew up most of the Kremlin-backed Nord Stream pipelines, some 260 feet below the Baltic Sea, that were once the largest supplier of Europe’s natural gas.

Nord Stream

pipelines 1 and 2

Sites of leaks

Christianso

Kaliningrad

Just a few weeks ago, New York Times reporting on new intelligence, along with German police findings reported by the German media, suggested a possible solution to the Nord Stream puzzle: pro-Ukraine operatives renting a German pleasure boat and pulling off a fantastical covert mission.

Since then, a flurry of new findings and competing narratives has sown distrust among Western allies and presented an opening for Russian diplomatic pressure that has raised the geopolitical stakes in Europe’s Baltic region.

Nowhere is the tension felt more strongly than among the 98 residents of Denmark’s Christianso — an island so tiny, you can walk across it in 10 minutes. Living just 12 nautical miles away from the blast site, everyone from the herring pickler to the inn chef sees skies and waters filled with foreboding.

“Before the blast, no one talked about Nord Stream. I didn’t even know how close we were until it happened,” said Soren Thiim Andersen, governor of Christianso. “Afterward, we all felt exposed. We were all wondering: What really just happened here?”

The pleasure boat at the center of the German investigation, the Andromeda, docked at Christianso’s stone harbor after being chartered in the northern German port of Rostock on Sept. 5 and making an overnight stop at Wiek, a more obscure north German port with no security cameras and little oversight.

A local port worker, who asked not to be identified because of ongoing investigations, told The Times that he remembered the visit unusually well: He had repeatedly tried to speak to the crew, first in German, then English. Instead of attempting any kind of reply, in any language, one man simply handed him the docking fee and turned away.

The Andromeda now sits in dry dock overlooking the Baltic Sea, its innards pulled out by investigators. Three German officials told The Times that the investigators had found traces of explosives on the boat, and discovered that two crew members had used fake Bulgarian passports.

That hunt led back to Christianso, where Mr. Andersen, the governor, said that in December, the Danish police had him write a Facebook post, instructing residents to send photographs of the harbor or boats from Sept. 16 to Sept. 18, around the time the Andromeda is believed to have docked. Investigators arrived a month later to interview residents and check the photos.

Christianso locals scoffed at the idea a 50-foot pleasure yacht could pull off such a spectacular attack — and so have naval experts from Germany, Sweden and Denmark.

They argue that even with skilled divers, it would be extremely challenging for a six-person crew to plant the explosives needed on the seabed some 262 feet below, and create blasts registering 2.5 on the Richter scale.

“Knowing how the explosion would work, with the sea pressure at those depths — you need very specialized knowledge. How do the physics play out?” said Johannes Riber, a naval officer and analyst at Denmark’s Institute for Strategy and War Studies, who called it a “James Bond” theory.

Whether the Andromeda was a decoy or part of a broader mission, he said, remained unanswerable. But the most plausible attack, he said, required an undersea drone or mini submarine to plant the explosives, and either naval or professional underwater drilling vessels.

Mr. Riber and others also pointed to photographs of the aftermath — pipes bent backward, cracks and craters on the seabed — as traces of a massive bomb, something in the range of 1,000 to 1,500 kilograms.

“This was not a few pieces of plastic explosives,” Mr. Riber said. “That is a powerful explosion at play.”

Yet one pipeline expert and a professional diver who was part of the team that laid the Nord Stream 2 pipelines last year disagreed. Both the expert and the diver, who works regularly in the Baltic Sea, insisted a small plastic explosive could do the job, as long as it was placed near a seam of the pipeline. They asked not to be identified because they were speaking without authorization from Nord Stream.

“It is like lighting a match next to a leaking gasoline pump — the gas is all you need,” said one diver.

By the end of March, Russian diplomats threw up yet another twist: They revealed that in February, Nord Stream 2 had hired a vessel to inspect its pipelines and discovered an unidentified object next to a seam of its sole undamaged strand, about 19 miles from the explosion sites. The company alerted both Russia and Denmark, which controls the waters in which the object was spotted.

Even under pressure from Vladimir V. Putin’s top foreign policy adviser, who summoned Denmark’s chargé d’affaires in Moscow, Denmark initially resisted offering much information to the company or Russia, aside from publicly releasing a blurry photo of a 12-inch-long cylinder, covered in algae.

Last week, Danish authorities allowed Nord Stream 2 to observe their dive to recover the object — releasing photographs of a now cleaned-off dark cylinder. Denmark’s ministry of defense said it might be part of a maritime smoke buoy.

But Russia’s ambassador to Denmark, Vladimir Barbin, told The Times that experts in Moscow believed the cylinder was part of an explosive device.

“The continued secrecy of the ongoing investigation by Denmark, Germany and Sweden, as well as the refusal to cooperate with Russia, undermine its credibility,” Mr. Barbin wrote in a statement to The Times.

And Mr. Putin himself continues to use the incident to pressure Denmark to back Moscow’s demands for a joint international investigation. On April 5, he warned the situation in the Baltic Sea was becoming “turbulent in a literal sense.”

Even as Moscow pushes for a joint probe, other findings are pointing fingers back at Russia.

The German news website T-Online worked in late March with an open-source investigator, Oliver Alexander, to present the paths of six Russian vessels whose names were given to them by what they described as an “intelligence source from a NATO country.”

Their findings showed the boats disappeared from satellite signals on Sept. 21 — around the time Christianso residents spotted vessels that disappeared from their apps — after veering off course from a publicly announced Russian maritime exercise.

That information could match an early lead that one German official told The Times was explored late last year by Germany’s intelligence services who had also tracked Russian vessels from naval exercises, but were unable to bridge an approximately 20-nautical-mile gap between where some veered off course and the sites of the blasts.

The open source investigation also discovered a Danish naval ship, the Nymfen, which had sailed toward the same area as the Russian vessels in the hours after they disappeared. It too had turned off its signal upon reaching the site.

A day later, a Swedish fighter jet took an unusual flight path over the area, followed by a Swedish naval vessel that lingered near the spot where the Nord Stream 1 pipelines later exploded.

The researchers argued that perhaps these forces went to check the site — hinting that some countries may know more than they have said thus far.

Denmark is the most tight-lipped, but security sources who spoke on condition of anonymity told The Times that Danish and Swedish investigators have been wary of the latest German findings, and feel a sense of pressure to counter that narrative.

On Thursday, Mats Ljungqvist, Sweden’s senior prosecutor in the case, told the Swedish newspaper Norrkopings Tidningar that although his probe had not ruled out nonstate actors, only a “very few companies or groups” could have done it, and that a state actor still seemed most likely.

And he hinted his team came across some red herrings in the course of their investigation: “Those who carried this out were careful with the traces they left behind,” he said.

Privately, Swedish, German, and Danish officials argued that investigators have reasons not to share findings, which can reveal their intelligence capabilities. Allies have also grown wary after a string of Russian espionage and infiltration cases in Europe — including one within Germany’s spy agency.

Nor may it be in anyone’s interest to share: Naming a culprit could set off unintended consequences.

Claiming Russia was behind the attack would mean it had successfully sabotaged major critical infrastructure in Western Europe’s backyard, and could spark demands for a response.

Blaming Ukrainian operatives could stoke internal debate in Europe about support for their eastern neighbor.

And naming a Western nation or operatives could trigger deep mistrust when the West is struggling to maintain a united front.

“Is there any interest from the authorities to come out and say who did this? There are strategic reasons for not revealing who did it,” said Jens Wenzel Kristoffersen, a Danish naval commander and military expert at the University of Copenhagen. “As long as they don’t come out with anything substantial, then we are left in the dark on all this — as it should be.”

Reporting was contributed by Christopher F. Schuetze in Berlin, Jasmina Nielsen in Copenhagen and Christina Anderson in Stockholm.

Audio produced by Tally Abecassis .